What do we know about our country?

What do we know about our country?

 
 
It was 23rd March when a historic Resolution - widely known as 'Lahore Resolution' - was passed.The Resolution cast off the concept of United India and recommended the creation of an independent Muslim state consisting of Punjab, NWFP, Sindh and Baluchistan in the northwest, and Bengal and Assam in the northeast. The Resolution was seconded by Maulana Zafar Ali Khan from Punjab, Sardar Aurangzeb from the NWFP, Sir Abdullah Haroon from Sindh, and Qazi Esa from Baluchistan, along with many others.

It laid down only the principles, with the details left to be worked out at a future date. It was made a part of All India Muslim League's constitution in 1941. More importantly, it was on the basis of this resolution that in 1946 the Muslim League decided to go for one "maverick" state for the Muslims, instead of two.
Having passed the Pakistan Resolution, the Muslims of India altered their ultimate goal. They set out on a path whose destination was a separate homeland for the Muslims of India, in lieu of seeking union with the Hindu community.

Different participating leaders of the session of All-India Muslim League held on March 23, 1940, including the Quaid-i-Azam, agreed that India was never united; rather it was split between Muslim India and Hindu India and it would remain so in the future. The entire outlooks, customs and traditions of civilisations of these two different nations were different anyway. They were different not only in their religious beliefs, but their entire mode of life bore a different imprint.

The words of the Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah in his presidential address to the session carried a far deeper impression on the oppressed and demoralised Muslims at the hands of ruthless and undemocratic Congress rule. Mr Jinnah said: "The Hindus and Muslims belong to two different religious philosophies, social customs and literature. They neither intermarry nor inter-dine together, and indeed they belong to two different civilisations which are based mainly on conflicting ideas and conceptions."

Such a far-reaching speech by Mr Jinnah paved the way for the demand of a separate independent homeland for the exploited Muslims of India, who believed their rights and privileges could not be guarded under a parliamentary form of government. They also realised that the bloody brutes of the majority without any democratic traditions turned the Hindu rulers tyrannical in their behaviour and due to missing of any administrative experience they acted in a way that could be unacceptable in a democratic society.

One of the key demands made in the Pakistan resolution moved by chief minister of Bengal Maulvi Fazl-ul-Haq on March 23, 1940, was that no constitutional plan would be workable in this country or acceptable to the Muslims unless it was framed on the followed basic principles.

That geographically contiguous units are demarcated into regions, which should be constituted with such territorial readjustments as, may be necessary.

That the areas wherein the Muslims form majority as in the North-Western and Eastern zones of India be grouped together to constituted 'independent States' in which the constituted units shall be autonomous and sovereign.
That adequate, effective and mandatory safeguards be specially provided in the constitution for minorities in these units and in the regions for the protection of their religious, cultural, economic, political administrative and other rights of interests in consultation with them and in other parts of India where the Muslims form minority.

Having analysed the crux of the resolution, one comes to a conclusion as to it (the resolution) laid emphasis on a necessity of separate Muslim-state for the Muslims of India by grouping the North-Western and Eastern zones of India where they were in majority, constitutional protection to minorities and their rights-cum-interests.

Passing of the Lahore Resolution, which was dubbed by the Hindu and the British press as 'The Pakistan Resolution', ended in a great hue and cry in the Hindu, Sikh and British circles. The Indian press found a new target to incessantly make evil designs and unfurl campaigns against the Muslims and leaders of the Muslim League.

Gandhi declared that partition would mean suicide and the Two-Nation Theory was an unreality. The vast majority of Muslims of India area concerts to Islam or are the descendents of the converts. In consequence, they did not make a separate nation as soon as they become converts, he maintained.

Others who flatly opposed the Lahore Resolution were Raj Gopal Achari, B R Ambedkar, Master Tara Singh, Nationalist Muslim group.

On the other hand, the resolution was massively bolstered by many other noted leaders representing different provinces of India, who unanimously adopted it. Sindh too lead, which passed a resolution for Pakistan.

Till now, the resolution is deemed to be the quintessence of goal-orientation of untiring and unfailing struggle of Indian Muslims, dating back to 1857. One of the major impacts of the resolution was that under the leadership of towering personality in Mr Jinnah not only it did stimulate the Muslim middle classes to unprecedented political action, but also it caught the imagination of the people of all classes of Muslim community

It was the resolution, which made the Muslims of India discern their own destiny and spelled out destination and itinerary of action for them to a separate Muslim-state.

After the downfall of Muslim empire, it was first time that the resolution proved a 'line of direction' for drifting Muslims. The resolution not only injected new blood into the veins of the Indian Muslims to speed up their struggle to their destiny, but also rejuvenated their slow-down political activity for self-determination in the areas where they made a numerical majority.

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23rd March: A Fateful Day

23rd March: A Fateful Day
 
It was 23rd March when a historic Resolution - widely known as 'Lahore Resolution' - was passed.The Resolution cast off the concept of United India and recommended the creation of an independent Muslim state consisting of Punjab, NWFP, Sindh and Baluchistan in the northwest, and Bengal and Assam in the northeast. The Resolution was seconded by Maulana Zafar Ali Khan from Punjab, Sardar Aurangzeb from the NWFP, Sir Abdullah Haroon from Sindh, and Qazi Esa from Baluchistan, along with many others.

It laid down only the principles, with the details left to be worked out at a future date. It was made a part of All India Muslim League's constitution in 1941. More importantly, it was on the basis of this resolution that in 1946 the Muslim League decided to go for one "maverick" state for the Muslims, instead of two.
Having passed the Pakistan Resolution, the Muslims of India altered their ultimate goal. They set out on a path whose destination was a separate homeland for the Muslims of India, in lieu of seeking union with the Hindu community.

Different participating leaders of the session of All-India Muslim League held on March 23, 1940, including the Quaid-i-Azam, agreed that India was never united; rather it was split between Muslim India and Hindu India and it would remain so in the future. The entire outlooks, customs and traditions of civilisations of these two different nations were different anyway. They were different not only in their religious beliefs, but their entire mode of life bore a different imprint.

The words of the Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah in his presidential address to the session carried a far deeper impression on the oppressed and demoralised Muslims at the hands of ruthless and undemocratic Congress rule. Mr Jinnah said: "The Hindus and Muslims belong to two different religious philosophies, social customs and literature. They neither intermarry nor inter-dine together, and indeed they belong to two different civilisations which are based mainly on conflicting ideas and conceptions."

Such a far-reaching speech by Mr Jinnah paved the way for the demand of a separate independent homeland for the exploited Muslims of India, who believed their rights and privileges could not be guarded under a parliamentary form of government. They also realised that the bloody brutes of the majority without any democratic traditions turned the Hindu rulers tyrannical in their behaviour and due to missing of any administrative experience they acted in a way that could be unacceptable in a democratic society.

One of the key demands made in the Pakistan resolution moved by chief minister of Bengal Maulvi Fazl-ul-Haq on March 23, 1940, was that no constitutional plan would be workable in this country or acceptable to the Muslims unless it was framed on the followed basic principles.

That geographically contiguous units are demarcated into regions, which should be constituted with such territorial readjustments as, may be necessary.

That the areas wherein the Muslims form majority as in the North-Western and Eastern zones of India be grouped together to constituted 'independent States' in which the constituted units shall be autonomous and sovereign.
 
That adequate, effective and mandatory safeguards be specially provided in the constitution for minorities in these units and in the regions for the protection of their religious, cultural, economic, political administrative and other rights of interests in consultation with them and in other parts of India where the Muslims form minority.

Having analysed the crux of the resolution, one comes to a conclusion as to it (the resolution) laid emphasis on a necessity of separate Muslim-state for the Muslims of India by grouping the North-Western and Eastern zones of India where they were in majority, constitutional protection to minorities and their rights-cum-interests.
 
Passing of the Lahore Resolution, which was dubbed by the Hindu and the British press as 'The Pakistan Resolution', ended in a great hue and cry in the Hindu, Sikh and British circles. The Indian press found a new target to incessantly make evil designs and unfurl campaigns against the Muslims and leaders of the Muslim League.

Gandhi declared that partition would mean suicide and the Two-Nation Theory was an unreality. The vast majority of Muslims of India area concerts to Islam or are the descendents of the converts. In consequence, they did not make a separate nation as soon as they become converts, he maintained.

Others who flatly opposed the Lahore Resolution were Raj Gopal Achari, B R Ambedkar, Master Tara Singh, Nationalist Muslim group.

On the other hand, the resolution was massively bolstered by many other noted leaders representing different provinces of India, who unanimously adopted it. Sindh too lead, which passed a resolution for Pakistan.
 
Till now, the resolution is deemed to be the quintessence of goal-orientation of untiring and unfailing struggle of Indian Muslims, dating back to 1857. One of the major impacts of the resolution was that under the leadership of towering personality in Mr Jinnah not only it did stimulate the Muslim middle classes to unprecedented political action, but also it caught the imagination of the people of all classes of Muslim community

It was the resolution, which made the Muslims of India discern their own destiny and spelled out destination and itinerary of action for them to a separate Muslim-state.

After the downfall of Muslim empire, it was first time that the resolution proved a 'line of direction' for drifting Muslims. The resolution not only injected new blood into the veins of the Indian Muslims to speed up their struggle to their destiny, but also rejuvenated their slow-down political activity for self-determination in the areas where they made a numerical majority.

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One nation, one pride: Pakistan

One nation, one pride: Pakistan

I truly believe that all Pakistanis, including myself, owe a mountain of debt and gratitude to Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah for giving us this nation. Having said that, though, I would also want to venture a bit further to say that while it was (and still is) our solemn duty to establish the Pakistan of Quaid's dreams in 1947, it is perhaps time now to re-evaluate that aspiration and take a more realistic view of our circumstances.

In the intervening 60 years, the reality of Pakistan's politics and society has turned out to be everything but Quaid's dream. We, as a nation and as people, have wandered around aimlessly looking for an identity and a reason for our existence. However, our quest to find our destiny has often been hijacked by unscrupulous elements lending us with their own versions of Quaid's dream.

Quaid's message to the nation was "search your hearts and see whether you have done your part in the construction of the new and mighty state. It is now up to you to work, work and work and we are bound to succeed. And never forget our motto, Faith, Unity and Discipline."

I really do wish each one of us could ask ourselves if we have really honestly contributed in the development of our nation. Have we really done our part?

Yes, we have done our parts in forming garbage dumps on the road, we have done our parts in burning tyres and creating chaos in our city, towns, streets.

I don't claim to know what the Quaid's vision of Pakistan really was. But I do know this, that above everything else, the Quaid would have wanted us, all Pakistanis, to live in peace & harmony and would have been happy if we could decide for ourselves, today, how we want to live our lives.Quaid stated "Peace within and peace without" as the goal of Pakistan's policy.

He declared that Pakistan wished to live in peace and to maintain cordial and friendly relations with the world at large, and that it had no aggressive designs against anyone.

Far too often in the past, we have let the best become the enemy of the good with the result that in our desire to create the ideal Pakistan-the Quaid's Pakistan-we have ended up losing an opportunity to create a "good enough" Pakistan-a Pakistan that works for most of us. What Pakistan was supposed to be 60 years ago, never materialised in the first place. But it does certainly matter what we can make of it today, and it is our greatest duty to make the best of what we have. Learning about Pakistan's history and what the Quaid thought and did, and why he did it, is an important input into the process but the ultimate choice of what Pakistan needs to be rests with all of us, the people of Pakistan.

Ultimately, Pakistan should be what it's people want it to be and would be most comfortable living with, and not what an opportunist religious or political leader would like us to believe what it must be. In a very peculiar way, I have complete faith in the wisdom of the Pakistani people. Well, no matter how uneducated they may be, they do know what is best for them. The only unfortunate thing is that they don't want to do what is best for Pakistan because they don't feel Pakistan is part of them.Jinnah gave us a message of hope, courage and confidence, asking us to mobilise all our resources in a systematic and organised way and tackle the grave issues that confront us with grim determination and discipline worthy of a great nation.
According to Jinnah, religion had "nothing to do with the business of the State." While Iqbal believed that Islam itself was no less a polity, Jinnah declared to his listeners, "If you change your past and work together in a spirit that everyone of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no matter what relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is his colour, caste or creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this State with equal rights, privileges and obligations, there will be no end to the progress you will make"

We should work with this spirit of the Quaid and after a certain period of time has past, we will see that Muslims will cease to be Muslims, Hindus will cease to be Hindus, Christians will cease to be Christians, not in the religious sense of course, but in the political sense. When there will be no divisions of cast or creed but only one Nation, one pride, Pakistan.

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The chequered political history of Pakistan

The chequered political history of Pakistan

The pre-partition Muslim leaders envisioned a homeland for the Muslims of the sub-continent. This beautiful vision was announced on the eve of March 23, 1940, in the form of a resolution which later culminated into a homeland for the Muslims of the sub-continent, on August 14, 1947.  However, the vision which was presented in the Resolution, in all its essence, never materialised. Bad governance and successive martial laws thwarted the constitutional, democratic, political and, above all, socio-economic development of this newly born country at a very early stage. 

In discussing the genesis of Pakistan's growing socio-political crisis and its repeated constitutional failures, many analysts assert that the creation of Pakistan was premature, accidental and without any pre-determined goal and a feasible planning by the leaders. They argue that the duration between the launching of awareness campaigns, to creating knowledge amongst the Muslims about their rights, the initiation of the freedom movement and the fruition of these efforts was not as long as most other nations faced before gaining independence.

Consequently, achieving independence so soon after launching the independence movement was fatal to the success of the new country because the Muslims did not get a chance to get used to the idea of a separate homeland or decide on the best method of governing it. The issue remains however, that how could a nation which was able to pass such a vivid and comprehensive resolution as early as 1940 could yet remain so directionless in 2010 as to be unable to take any positive action to set their country on the path of progress despite the lapse of 63 years?

Keeping in view our performance and progress, during these years, one is reality-bound to say that the "time factor" that analysts refer to when speaking of Pakistan's slow progress, is important only for those nations that wish to learn from it and mend their ways accordingly. We had enough time and resources during the last six decades to emerge as a progressive state, while learning from other developing nations like the Chinese, Japanese, Malaysians and Koreans yet we wasted time and resources.

After independence, the two newly established states of India and Pakistan adopted completely divergent courses of action: On the basis of its seasoned and shrewd political leadership, India embarked on the path of constitutional development, land reforms, electoral and democratic progress. On the contrary, Pakistan fell a prey to political anarchy, lack of vision, undemocratic and unconstitutional tactics of ousting high profile leaders and officials. Indian leaders bridled the horses of feudalism and civil-military bureaucracy at a very early stage, but the Pakistan Muslim League leadership mistakenly continued to rely on both these wings to run the administrative affairs of the country.

The first jolt for the newly created country was the sudden demise of the Quaid in 1948, at a crucial point in Pakistan's history, when the nation was in dire need of his able leadership and judicious planning. A tug-of-war was now underway amongst the politicians for holding the rein of power and the whole political set-up was derailed. The first Prime Minister of the country, Liaqat Ali Khan was assassinated on October 16, 1951, thus effectually giving another blow to the parliamentary setup and the political leadership of the country. Those who came to power after the Quaid-i-Azam and Liaqat Ali Khan no longer had any emotional affiliations with the masses.

With the outburst of religious and sectarian clashes and riots in Punjab, the first martial law was imposed in the country by the Prime Minister Khawaja Nizamuddin in 1953. Similarly, this transition from the political a set up to the military set up in 1953 paved the way for future martial laws in Pakistan.

Dismissal of Khawaja Nazimuddin from the office of the Prime Minister by Governor General, Ghulam Mohammad Malik aggravated the situation and pushed the country further into the quagmire of political instability. The first constitution of Pakistan which was formed on the pattern of England's constitution was enforced on March 23, 1956. However, it failed to produce satisfactory results because of the political instability in the country and the lack of consensus on various issues of national importance. Although Liaquat Ali Khan declared the Objective Resolution of 1949 as the foundation for the first constitution of Pakistan, some members of minority communities and from East Pakistan, showed their reservations regarding the resolution. Declaration of the "Sovereignty of God" and Urdu as the national language of Pakistan were two points which were the subject of dissent.

Within a short span of just two years, four ministries had been made and unmade at the centre as well as in West Pakistan. Cabinet reshuffles were the order of the day.

Prime Minister Muhammad Ali resigned on September 8, 1956, and H S Suhrawardy tendered his resignation on October 17, 1957. One failed government followed another and I I Chundrigar's government fell on December 8, 1957. After this Malik Feroz Khan Noon was overthrown on October 7, 1958, when President Sikandar Mirza decided to take a drastic political action to save the country from further political chaos by imposing martial law whereby, General Mohammad Ayub Khan was appointed the Chief Martial Law Administrator.

President Ayub Khan had to face unpopularity and hatred of the masses (who were once indifferent) in his term as the 'civilian elected president'. Eventually, the nation yet again paid a heavy price in the form of another martial law imposed by President Ayub whereby General Yahya stepped up as the Chief Martial Law Administrator. Despite these changes, it seemed that Pakistan was moving from a bad to worse. General Yahya Khan also failed to put Pakistan on a road to recovery. This ultimately culminated into fall of Dhaka and the creation of Bangladesh in 1971-perhaps the biggest blow that Pakistan faced after its creation.

Unfortunately, Pakistan was to see political turmoil for many years to come and such state of affairs continued even after Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto assumed power. On July 5, 1977 Bhutto's government was overthrown by the then Chief of the Army Staff, General Zia-ul-Haq. 

Much to Bhutto's dismay the military coup d'état by Zia-ul-Haq at the expense of democracy was well-received by the public.

From then on the legacy of ups and downs continued for years to come and following the footsteps of his predecessors General Musharraf emerged as the "Chief Executive" of the country after the coup that removed the twice elected Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif from power, on October 12, 1999.

After ruling the country for more than eight years, Musharraf, with his low and high popularity graph at different point in time, resigned from his post in 2008. After Musharraf's dismissal, fresh elections were held, bringing in power Asif Ali Zaradri and Yousuf Raza Gilani on the two coveted posts of President and Prime Minster respectively.

It is a sad reality that even after numerous changes in the government, the people of Pakistan could not get any relief. The simple reason is that none of the governments have ever tried to address their problems and grievances with sincerity and honesty. Moreover, the masses also have no say in any issue or decision of national or global significance. In such a scenario where even the basic problems and needs of the people are not met, how can we expect the masses to actively participate in the political process? It is but obvious that the people are bound to be indifferent towards the government or may be this is what the successive governments wanted so that they could live according to their whims.

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Making a new resolve on the Pakistan Resolution Day

Making a new resolve on the Pakistan Resolution Day

By Sidrah Gufran and Mohammed Ammar Bin Yaser

Seventy years ago, on this very day, a group of visionaries stood in front of a crowd in what is now Iqbal Park at Lahore and resolved to carve out a nation from within the Indian sub-continent. Seven years after that declaration, history was made as their very words turned into reality. Despite utterly difficult circumstances, the goal that had been set was achieved and it took a firm resolve to make it happen.

If we analyse our past, we find that one of the perpetual forces, which has carried us through the thick and thin of history, is the unflinching faith of the Pakistani youth in the spirit of the declaration made on March 23, 1940. As a crucial segment of the country, every young Pakistani since 1940 has treasured the significance of this idea which lies at the core of our identity and defines for us the meaning of nationalism. It was this belief in the ideology of Pakistan that steered the nation forward with an inexhaustible supply of optimism in the darkest of times and to date continues to nourish Pakistan.

Pakistan has moved well beyond its golden past and some argue that in today's changed scenario the youth doesn't cherish the same aspiration about the Pakistan Resolution as their ancestors.

However, notions are deceiving and there is more to this theory than seems otherwise. At a glance it may appear that over the years the Pakistani youth has abandoned its ideology and mannerism and has adopted the western culture but the fact remains that even the mere mention of Pakistan's name stirs in them the same emotions as were seen in the past generations.

In fact, Pakistan's current standing in the world and the unfortunate criticism that the country is presently braving has made the youth more sensitive towards the overall image and well-being of the country.

The dynamic youth of Pakistan is brewing with creative yet practical ideas to serve their country. The positivity and the will to improve the current situation that the youth displays not only reinstates the hope and courage that our forefathers bestowed on us, but also makes one feel proud of being a part of the present generation.

When asked about his personal resolution on Pakistan Day, Zia Siddiqui an undergraduate student of IBA said, "I want to abolish the medieval tradition of feudalism as it is a major hurdle in the progress and enlightenment of Pakistan's population. I believe the scourge of feudalism has to be scrubbed clean from the face of the Pakistani society if we are to aspire for a better tomorrow."

Ahsan Reza, a final year student of Mass Communication at the University of Karachi (KU), strongly voiced the opinion of many students and thinks that discrimination on the basis of language is a key issue and needs to be given due attention as it is a major factor that is keeping the social fabric of Pakistan divided. "We need to decide who we are" says Ahsan, "Officially there should be a single language of instruction, at all levels, be it English or Urdu. 

There is a need for uniformity so that the Pakistani society is not linguistically stratified." Ahsan feels that the language gulf between the social classes causes more rifts in our society than Pakistan is prepared to tolerate.

Improvement however, doesn't always have to start on a macro-level. Ammara Adnan, a student of NED, is all for micro-level improvement. She believes that the young generation of Pakistan should first bring about positive changes at the individual level. "We need to think sincerely first" she argues, "I resolve to take my society and whatever challenges it's facing seriously from this day on and set an example for my peers". "I am not saying I have the cure for every social ill that grips Pakistan today, but I staunchly believe that as young Pakistanis if we start to look at our problems with the pure intention of tackling them, we will definitely find solution" she adds.

Such a high dose of optimism serves as a ray of hope in the current crisis stricken state-of-affairs. Though efforts are continuously being made on both small and large scale to improve the condition of the country many are still hopeless about the political process. "We need a series of reformations in our political process" says Sharjeel Khan. "We have to work out a process that leaves no rooms for 'personality worship' in our political set-up, democracies are run by parties and not individuals" says Khan, who works at a local TV Channel.

The youth of today is not just concerned about the political up-lift but also about other issues facing Pakistan. Among these considerations the sorry state of the environment is also a major concern for many, as Sidra Rizvi, a student of English Literature at KU puts it "Pakistan is one of the most hard-hit victims of global warming and pollution today, but little is being done on this front. I as an individual would like to see my country clean therefore this year I resolve to use recycled papers for all purposes and will also encourage my friends to do the same"

Working to alleviate poverty and illiteracy has almost become a cliché that everybody blurts out when asked about ideas to solve the real problems of the Pakistani society. However, on a more positive note and on a more practical front it has been observed that the youth who are actually involved in community development efforts are contributing a lot to their society through their efforts in various fields.

An example of this is an initiative of a group of students from KU who have come forward to teach the children of sweepers and cleaners of the university twice a week in the afternoons. This step has received much appreciation by the parents of these children as well by the students and teachers of various departments of KU, who are willing to volunteer in the program too. This small expression of 'concern' tells us a lot about the zest of the youth of Pakistan.

It must be pointed out here that despite all the exuberance of our youth and brimming optimism, one can't ward off the sense of looming pessimism that seemingly runs all over Pakistan. Every other day we hear shallow rumors about our country that instigates one, especially, the youth to run away and settle abroad.

Running away from reality, however, is no solution instead stepping forward and helping in building a stronger nation should be our goal. Positive thinking, effort and instilling optimism in others are the only factors that can help us in this journey.

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The lost spirit of 23rd March among youth

The lost spirit of 23rd March among youth

Nearly a decade ago, national days like Quaid-i-Azam's birth anniversary, Allama Iqbal's birth anniversary, Pakistan Resolution Day and Independence Day formed some of the most important days in an average Pakistani's calendar. Not only did individuals celebrate these days with national fervour, but the festivities were an essential part of the normal proceedings in schools, colleges, and universities.

Special importance was given to August 14 and March 23. Quizzes, debate competitions, lectures, seminars, discussions, singing competitions and sing-alongs featuring national songs were held at the educational institutes to commemorate these two important national days. Heads of various institutions, high-ranking government officials, even people who had lived through the times of the Pakistan Movement, were invited as chief guests at these events, and students would be wild to hear their stories, and their words of wisdom. In this way students were able to learn, and relate to the history of their homeland, and were taught valuable lessons even while they were enjoying an event held to celebrate a national holiday.

Students took these unconventional lessons so much to heart that they remembered them the rest of their lives. Approximately 10 to 20 years back it was not unusual to meet students, about to graduate, discussing the latest book on the history of Pakistan, like Syed Hassan Riaz's book 'Pakistan Naguzeer tha', and discussing it with such dedication, that these students would even seem to feel the conditions which forced an ardent devotee of Hindu Muslim unity, like the Quaid-i-Azam, to part ways and struggle for a separate Muslim state. Unlike children of today, nobody had to rote-learn "important" dates and events, like when the Khilafat movement took place, when the Pakistan Muslim League was formed, or what Iqbal said in his famous Allahabad address, before sitting for a Pakistan Studies exam. These events had been so frequently talked over and discussed that people automatically knew them on their fingertips. Without having ever seen them, people knew about Raja sahib Mehmoodabad, Sir Abdullah Haroon, Nawab Waqar-ul-Mulk and Nawab Mohsan-ul-Mulik, A. K. Fazalul Haq, Chaudhry Khaliquzaman and the others.

On the contrary, children today will very easily tell you who won the latest round of the 'Nach Baliye' dance competition, the leading singer of 'Jo Jeeta Wohi Superstar', 'Chhote Ustad' and any number of other such programmes, but are rendered speechless when questioned about who presented the Pakistan Resolution, who Nawab Waqar-ul-Mulk was, or when Allama Iqbal died. 

The children of today know when, how and why Valentine's Day is celebrated, they can talk to you in detail about Halloween celebrations, the traditions regarding the celebration of Holi, Basant and any number of other festivals, but when asked about their own culture and traditions, they are silent.

Since festivals and national-day(s) celebrations reveal the history, culture, beliefs and values of any nations, it may be surmised here that one of the main reasons why our children know nothing about their own country or the sacrifices that went into creating it, is because they never celebrate their national holidays.

Judging by the way we enjoy celebrating alien traditions, it becomes obligatory on us to think on why our youth have become so indifferent to everything, whether from the past or the present that had once been a source of national pride. Why are they so eager to celebrate every new festival made available to them whether it's Basant or Valentine, Holi or Halloween?

Sociologists, politicians, religious leaders, and influential people of Pakistan need to make a conscious effort to gauge the level of vitality and decay that we, as a nation, have reached. These past few years have shown two very contrasting tendencies apparent in our society, now more than ever before. 

The first is a kind of aloofness from and abhorrence for our cultural, social, and religious ideals and festivals and a detachment from and decrease in the celebrations of national days. The second is a colossal boost in the trend of commemorating special days, or festivals of other nations, some of which are not only obviously pagan, but are culturally and religiously opposing and challenging the ideology of our nation. Nowhere are these trends more evident than in our educational institutions and our homes, both places responsible for teaching our younger generation the social, cultural, moral, and religious values of our society, and inculcating in them a sense of belonging, confidence and pride in being a Pakistani.

Educational institutions and parents have failed miserably in teaching the youth the worth and the need of the splendid, everlasting, and deep-rooted values that Pakistan has inherited. In the never-ending race to accumulate more wealth, and give children more material comforts, parents have overlooked the responsibility of passing on the proper ideals to their offspring. Educational institutions and teachers have done no better. In the race to become richer, teachers have lost the dedication and professional integrity that they once possessed, and which made them instruct their students not only about their subject matter, but also about the culture and traditions they had inherited from their forefathers.

The younger generation is unaware of its roots, moral values, and the splendid past which we have all inherited from our forefathers, the struggle for, and the eventual achievement of Pakistan as a homeland for the Muslims of India. All this information has been relegated only to books which are only opened at exam time to learn for a paper. This March 23, the day the historical resolution to demand a separate homeland was passed, should now forge a new resolution: to educate our children about our history before their current aloofness from our values, history, and religion takes them so far away from their traditions that there remains no point of return.

 

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Jinnah: the leader of modern times

Jinnah: the leader of modern times

The period between March 23, 1940 and August 14, 1947 can play an integral part in helping Pakistanis realise the importance of certain ideas in life; whether it's the life of an individual or of an entire nation. To understand all of this, just reading about the steps that the Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah took during these seven vital years can be sufficient enough.

The Pakistan Resolution passed on this very day in the year 1940 bears testimony to the fact that the Quaid had a vision and he was fearless not only to declare it but also to work upon realising it despite numerous hurdles that came in his way. When Jinnah delivered his speech at Minto Park, Lahore and emphasised that by any definition of international law, Muslims of the United India were a separate entity; millions in India identified with his message. Only true leaders can expect to receive this kind of response from the masses.

In 1942, when the British initiated the Cripps Mission, Jinnah and his Muslim League associates were vigilant so as not to fall for the loopholes in that proposal. Through the Cripps Mission, the British had proposed that they would grant full dominion status to the Indian Union, right after the then ongoing Second World War ended. More importantly, it was also said that some provinces would be given the choice to opt out of this perceived Union. While the Congress rejected the proposal for giving this choice of withdrawal to some provinces, the Muslim League also resisted it. The reason for doing so was that Jinnah's men outrightly stated that the proposal was only suited to provinces and the choices they could exercise whereas the majority of Muslims in India were pursuing nothing less than a separate state. 

A leader is one who has immensely powerful foresight. While Gandhi is known the world over for waging a civil disobedience movement against the British and starting the Quit India Movement in 1942, Jinnah was careful in taking sides at that time. Hence, the Muslim League preferred to neither support nor oppose the British and did not press for the British quitting India so quickly and haphazardly that the demand of the Muslims -- for a separate homeland -- remained unmet and neglected.

When the Gandhi-Jinnah talks took place in 1944, Gandhi put forward the idea that at that point in time, Congress and Muslim League should work together to make the British leave India first and later work upon the technicalities of a separate state for Muslims. However, he also stated that even when the British would leave, areas such as defence and foreign policy should remain with the central authority. Jinnah eyed this dual policy on the part of Congress and reiterated that Muslims demanded a separate country at all costs, and they were not ready to be the part of an Indian federation in future. The Quaid also told Gandhi explicitly that by initially stating that the creation of Pakistan could be worked upon and then talking of a central authority, Congress had itself clearly exhibited the low strength of its promise towards Muslims and Pakistan.  In the 1945-46 elections in India, it took a man of unfazed dedication and strength such as Muhammad Ali Jinnah to obtain the overwhelmingly positive results for Muslim League. Election results showed that Congress had been able to obtain 91 per cent of the general votes whilst the Muslim League had won 87 per cent of the Muslims vote, grabbing every single Muslim seat in the Central Legislature. It must be noted here that people often tend to label Gandhi as the peoples' leaders while Jinnah is usually referred to as the legal-minded individual. However, this massive victory of the Muslim League shows just how popular he and his party were.

In 1946, it was the Cabinet Mission plan which tested Quaid-i-Azam's persistence again. The Cabinet Mission put two options in front of him: Either accept Sindh, West Punjab, North West Frontier Province, Balochistan and East Bengal as a separate state or agree to a loose federation constituting the whole of Punjab and Bengal provinces with portfolios such as defence, communications, and foreign policy lying with the centre. Jinnah had the courage to reject both these options. According to him, Pakistan would be mutilated from its very beginning if major provinces such as Punjab and Bengal were not included in their whole forms with Pakistan. The latter option of a loose federation was again totally unacceptable for Indian Muslims. It must have required a great deal of perseverance and a dash of risk-taking from Jinnah to keep refusing all these offers in order to acquire a Pakistan which was the exact replica of how he had imagined it to be for his people.

August 1946 arrived, with little hopes of anything concrete and positive happening for Muslims in the coming days. With every passing day, the feeling that the British might leave India without tackling Muslims' issues increased and thus created uncertainty among India's Muslim population. This was when Jinnah decided to use people's power as the last and final resort. Muslim League gave a call for Direct Action Day on August 16, 1946 with the fact that they would attain independence exactly a year from then unbeknownst to them. The Direct Action Day was observed to get Muslim force registered in the minds of Hindus and British alike. Demonstrations took place across India, with riots taking place in Calcutta, leaving thousands of people dead; of them more Muslims than Hindus.

This action immediately spelt trouble for the Muslims. The British government, just ten days after these protests, announced that an interim government was to be made within a month's time and it would not have any representative from Muslim League in it.

By May 1947, considerable progress had been made and Jinnah's Pakistan was slowly inching closer towards Muslims. The last Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten announced that India would be partitioned by June 3, 1948 and by default, the constitution of both separate states India and Pakistan would be the 1935 Government of India Act. It was announced that a Boundary Commission would be established for demarcating boundaries officially and princely states would have the liberty to join India, Pakistan or even stay independent.

Controversies abound to this day. The first one is that just a couple of days after the announcement of the June 3 Plan, it was suddenly announced that the British would leave India much earlier; as early as August 15, 1948. The demarcation of boundaries did not take place as had been formally planned, leaving Pakistan in a quite weak position strategically. The division of financial and military assets was not up to the mark as well.

Still, Jinnah took all of this in his stride and did not complain, for that would have lowered the morale of his followers. Instead, he insisted that Pakistanis must remain positive and look ahead. Despite all these injustices, there was never a streak of negativity in any of his speeches. In his words, it is evident that he wanted to give Indian Muslims a country of their own and at the same time never sound prejudiced against people of other religions. His demand appears clear: Give Muslims their due rights and let others coexist peacefully, whether in Pakistan or on the other side of the border.

It takes centuries to produce people who are so apt at exploiting time to its utmost potential. Jinnah was given just seven years to actualise the words he had spoken at Minto Park, Lahore and he showed us all that it was both possible and achievable.

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